What Aung San Suu Kyi could do next
As the carve up of Burma’s resources grows imminent, with foreign
investors flocking in, the much-loved leader would do well to clearly
articulate her party’s economic policies, writes Dinyar Godrej.

Aung San Suu Kyi surrounded by journalists and supporters.
Burma Democratic Concern under a CC Licence
However, the foreigners flocking to the top-end hotels (the most boycotted as they were most compromised) have their sights on something a bit more exciting than pagodas. The country’s wealth of natural riches now glints attractively to the foreign investor looking to get in quick. And as leading representatives from Western governments line up to be photographed with Aung San Suu Kyi, they are also looking to this prospect while talking up democracy.
Politics and principles
For Burma’s current administration (still dominated by the military and still perpetuating widespread human rights abuses), this is the long-hoped-for opening that could bring further riches to their pockets. For too long they have had to depend on their neighbours China, India and Thailand, all of which invested in extractive industries in the country. China’s influence was particularly heavy in the political sphere, as it usually is. But a widening-out of trade will shift some of China’s power in relation to Burma. For a recession-hit West, a new source of natural wealth that could be freely exploited (instead of in a sneaky sanctions-busting manner) would also be a boon.
The country’s wealth of natural riches now glints attractively to the foreign investor looking to get in quick
Will any of this benefit Burma’s people? To ensure so would be a
tough task for anyone, and Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy (NLD)
is currently in no position to do so. Although it has tremendous
popular support, its political power is yet to solidify. The landslide
by-election victory it achieved in April has granted it only a fraction
of seats in parliament: for wider legislative power the party will need
to wait until the 2015 general election, unless events dictate
otherwise. Elected NLD members delayed taking their parliamentary seats
in the hope of changing the wording of their swearing-in pledge (which
asks them to ‘safeguard the constitution’). Aung San Suu Kyi felt they
could not honestly swear this, given that constitutional change was one
of the planks of the NLD’s campaign, in particular the part of the
constitution that gives 25 per cent of parliamentary seats to unelected
(military) members, effectively giving them a veto. However, the reality
of politics had to prevail over principle and the swearing in
eventually happened, with the oath unchanged, because NLD voters
expressed their impatience to see Aung San Suu Kyi in parliament. She
said she had bowed to the will of the people. 
Tourists are now flocking to Burma - but who will benefit?
pwbaker under a CC Licence
The NLD discourse mirrors much of what most progressive parties would demand: universal and improved education; full rights for women and their increased participation in the structures of power – things only the truly crazy would disagree with.
Getting in an economic muddle
It’s when we come to their economic ideas that things get a bit muddled. I have been unable to get my hands on a current political manifesto from the party, despite making requests, so have had to make do with Aung San Suu Kyi’s speeches.
There is misplaced faith in the IMF and World Bank, which have promoted
poverty, indebtedness and loss of autonomy in every Majority World
nation they have meddled with
Here, we find appeals to the international community (read
Western democracies, I think) for help – understandable as the Burmese
economy has been thoroughly mismanaged to maximize corruption and is
suffering the effects of years of isolation. But there is also misplaced
faith in the IMF and World Bank, two
undemocratic institutions that have promoted poverty, indebtedness and
loss of autonomy in every Majority World nation they have meddled with.
There are admirable sentiments supporting unionism and getting fair
prices for Burma’s farmers. But there are also mentions of market
reforms and freeing up of markets which sounds suspiciously like the
kind of market liberalism that has swallowed up many an emerging
democracy. In the NLD’s manifesto of 1990, the
year it won a landslide vote in a general election which the military
rapidly annulled, there is a curious mix of aims – increased social
welfare provision (presumably publicly funded) coupled with increased
economic ‘liberalization’. A bit like putting two cats in a sack.
Burma needs an economic policy that will help the poor.
Stefan Munder under a CC Licence
Aung San Suu Kyi is publicly adored and foreign leaders will cosy up to her. But if the economic carve-up of Burma by foreign interests follows the tried and tested path of what has happened in other emerging democracies, she will find her hands tied before her party has any real political power. And her foreign pals will have facilitated the exploitation of Burma’s wealth through the same corporate interests that govern by proxy in their own lands.
Same winners, same losers?
As the gold rush begins in Burma, those who are primed to benefit are the cronies of the old military regime who have accumulated wealth and cornered resources over the years. They are still the power brokers. Increased economic activity may bring a short surge in the middle classes in the urban centres, but is unlikely to benefit the rural poor, unless policy is specifically designed to do so.
The NLD needs the tenacity of its ideals, an economic policy shaped by
the needs of Burma’s people and the bloody-mindedness to pursue it
The NLD is in many respects in an
unenviable position, finally mired in realpolitik where previously it
was an object lesson in valuing ideals. It is being confronted by the
corruption and compromise inherent in the political process, without yet
having real power. For it to shine like a beacon and not sink like
South Africa’s ANC, it will need the tenacity
of its ideals, an economic policy shaped by the needs of Burma’s people
and the bloody-mindedness to pursue it.When things began to shift in Burma, I was surprised by the lack of involvement by the leaders of the 88 Generation Students Group in party politics. These were the activists who had risked lengthy jail sentences to keep alive the flame of democratic change in their country, particularly among Burmese youth. Why weren’t they going into politics themselves or becoming candidates for the NLD? The indications are that, while solidly supportive of Aung San Suu Kyi, they are more interested in continuing to nurture grassroots democracy rather than the party-political variant of it. They form another tier of hope and integrity in Burma’s current evolution.
Western civil society groups are also urging new investors in Burma
to act in a ‘best practices’, ‘do no harm’ manner. One statement of
their concerns can be viewed here.